Facial Identification Of Driver Fatigue Health And Social Care Essay

Driver weariness is frequently one of the prima causes of traffic accidents. In this concluding twelvemonth undertaking, a computing machine vision attack which exploits the driver ‘s facial look is considered, utilizing a combination of the Viola-Jones face sensing technique and support vector machines to sort facial visual aspect and find the degree of weariness.Section 1: DescriptionIntroductionStatisticss show that driver weariness is frequently one of the prima causes of traffic accidents. Over the past few old ages, a batch of research and attempt has been put forth in planing systems that monitor both driver and driving public presentation. A computing machine vision attack which exploits the driver ‘s facial look is considered in this concluding twelvemonth undertaking. The Viola-Jones real-time object sensing model working on a boosted cascade of Haar ripple characteristics is adopted for face sensing. To find the degree of weariness, multiple characteristic cate gorization is so performed utilizing support vector machines. The motives for taking to develop the system in this mode are the rapid face sensing times coupled with the simple and inexpensive overall execution, avoiding the demand to put in expensive and complex hardware.Concise Literature ReviewThis subdivision gives a wide reappraisal of the literary work related to face sensing in fatigue monitoring systems and engineerings, concentrating peculiarly on what has been done in the field of driver weariness. In subdivision 1.2.1, several statistics of fatigue-related motor vehicle accidents are mentioned and analysed. Section 1.2.2 high spots some of the more successful systems ( both commercial and non-commercial ) that have been implemented in recent old ages. On the other manus, subdivision 1.2.3 nowadayss an enlightening overview of the algorithms and techniques typically used in the development of such systems, particularly those refering to both face and facial characteristic sensing. Representative plants for each of these methods will be included.Statisticss Related to Driver FatigueDriver weariness has been one of the chief causes of route accidents and human deaths in recent old ages, and in this subdivision an effort is made to foreground some of the more of import statistics that demonstrate this negative tendency. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration ( NHTSA ) [ 1 ] estimations that 2-23 % of all vehicle clangs can be attributed to driver weariness. Every twelvemonth, around 100,000 traffic accidents and 71,000 hurts related to driver sleepiness are reported in the United States, out of which more than 1,300 are fatal [ 2 ] . The NHTSA [ 3 ] besides reports that in the twelvemonth 2005 entirely, there were about 5,000 route human deaths ( around 8.4 % ) which were caused either by driver inattention ( 5.8 % ) or sleepy and fatigued drive ( 2.6 % ) . Furthermore, 28 % of fatal traffic accidents were due to lane maintaining failure, one of the indirect effects of weariness on drivers, ensuing in the loss of 16,000 lives. Undoubtedly, truck drivers are more capable to tire chiefly because of the long hours travelled on main roads, taking to inevitable humdrum journeys. In fact, a survey by the U.S. National Transportation Safety Board ( NTSB ) [ 4 ] confirmed that weariness was the finding factor in 51 out of 87 instances of truck accidents. These dismaying statistics pointed to the demand to plan and implement systems capable of tracking and analyzing a driver ‘s facial features or organic structure provinces and giving a warning signal at the first noticeable marks of weariness to seek and forestall the likely happening of an accident. In the following subdivision of this literature reappraisal, a figure of these systems will be presented.Existing Fatigue Monitoring SystemsMany different attacks for systems undertaking the job of driver fatigue have been studied and implemented over the past few old ages. Earlier devices tended to be instead intrusive, necessitating physical contact to mensurate fatigue characteristics while driving. These characteristics included bosom rate variableness, analysis of encephalon signals every bit good as the driver ‘s physiological province. Other systems studied the relation of driver sleepiness to maneuvering clasp and vehicle motions, with some besides using lane tracking installations. However, the focal point nowadays is more towards independent non-intrusive systems that work in the background without deflecting the driver in any manner, able to observe and track caput and oculus motions by agencies of one or more cameras mounted on the vehicle ‘s splashboard. The bulk of merchandises tracking weariness have been designed for on-road vehicles, such as autos, trucks and engines, and these will be reviewed in the undermentioned subdivision. In Section 1.2.2.2, other types of weariness monitoring systems that have been deployed will be analysed.On-Road Fatigue Monitoring SystemsCommercially Implemented SystemsIn the system presented by Advanced Brain Monitoring Inc. [ 5 ] , a caput mounted device in the signifier of a baseball cap uses the encephalon ‘s EEG ( Electroencephalography ) signals to mensurate weariness. Two electrodes inside the baseball cap are connected to the driver ‘s scalp to capture these signals, directing them v ia wireless moving ridges to a processing device 20 pess off from the driver. Russian seller Neurocom marketed the Engine Driver Vigilance Telemetric Control System ( EDVTCS ) [ 6 ] for usage within the Russian railroad system. EDVTCS continuously track drivers ‘ physiological province by mensurating alterations in the electro cuticular activity ( EDA ) i.e. alterations in the tegument ‘s opposition to electricity based on the eccrine perspiration secretory organs of the human organic structure, located chiefly on the thenar of our custodies and the colloidal suspensions of our pess. One of the first non-intrusive driver weariness supervising systems was ASTiD ( Advisory System for Tired Drivers ) [ 7 ] . It consists of an up-to-date knowledge-base theoretical account exposing a 24-hour anticipation form sing the possibility of the driver traveling to kip piece at the wheel, and a guidance wheel detector system capable of placing humdrum driving intervals, such as those in main roads, every bit good as unusual maneuvering motions as a consequence of driver weariness. Lane trailing is another attack taken to place distraction forms while driving. SafeTRAC, by AssistWare Technology [ 8 ] , consists of a picture camera located on the windscreen of the vehicle ( confronting the route ) and a splashboard mounted having device to which it is connected. The camera is able to observe lane markers in roads and issues hearable, ocular or haptic warnings if fickle drive forms, such as changeless impetuss between lanes, are observed. Sing the issues encountered in earlier systems, more importance now started being given to systems that monitored driver head motions, face and facial characteristics. MINDS ( MicroNod Detection System ) , described in [ 9 ] , paths head place and motion, with caput nodding being the chief weariness characteristic used for observing micro-sleep ( short periods of distraction ) while driving. Head motion is tracked by an array of three capacitance detectors located merely above the driver ‘s cockpit. Yet another attack was taken by David Dinges and Richard Grace [ 10 ] at the Carnegie Mellon Research Institute ( CMRI ) in the development of the PERCLOS proctor, which determines the oculus closing per centum over clip for fatigue sensing. In [ 11 ] , PERCLOS is defined as the proportion of clip the eyes are closed 80 % or more for a specified clip interval. FaceLAB [ 12 ] focal points on both face and oculus trailing, mensurating PERCLOS ( PERcentage of oculus CLOSure over clip ) and analyzing water chickweeds in existent clip ( including wink frequence and wink continuance ) . A important difference from other systems is that the absolute place of the eyelid, instead than the occlusion of the student, is used to mensurate oculus closing, doing it much more accurate. The 2001 AWAKE undertaking of the European Union [ 13 ] focused specifically on driver weariness, integrating many of the above mentioned steps. The chief end of this undertaking, ( its acronym standing for System for effectual Assessment of driver watchfulness and Warning Harmonizing to traffic hazard Estimation ) , was to supply research on the real-time, non-intrusive monitoring of the driver ‘s current province and driving public presentation. Many spouses were involved in AWAKE, including developers, makers and providers of electronics, research institutes, universities, auto makers and terminal users. The undertaking ‘s initial ends were those of accomplishing over 90 % dependability, a lower than 1 % false dismay rate and a user credence rate transcending 70 % . Car fabrication companies, such as Toyota, Nissan and DaimlerChrysler [ 9 ] are besides in the procedure of developing their ain weariness supervising systems.Research Based SystemsMany research documents closely related to driver fatigue monitoring have been published in recent old ages. Assorted attacks have been proposed, among which skin coloring material information has been really popular. Smith [ 14 ] nowadayss a system based on skin coloring material predicates to find weariness from oculus wink rate and caput rotary motion information. Similarly, in the gaze way monitoring system proposed by Wahlstrom et Al. [ 15 ] , coloring material predicates are used to turn up the lip part by finding those pels that match the needed coloring material values. Face extraction by skin coloring material cleavage utilizing the normalized RGB skin coloring material theoretical account is adopted in both [ 16 ] and [ 17 ] . Veeraraghavan and Papanikolopoulos [ 16 ] developed a system to observ e forms of micro-sleep by continuously tracking the driver ‘s eyes. PERCLOS is the fatigue characteristic measured in Aryuanto and Limpraptono ‘s system [ 17 ] . Horng and Chen [ 18 ] attempted to utilize the HSI coloring material theoretical account to take the consequence of brightness from the image. Machine acquisition is another common attack to tire sensing. Yang et Al. [ 19 ] choose to follow a Bayesian Network based â€Å" probabilistic model † to find the fatigue degree. A Bayesian Network theoretical account is besides constructed in [ 20 ] , where Zhu and Lan track multiple ocular cues, including caput and oculus motions and facial looks via two cameras, one for the face and the other concentrating specifically on the eyes, every bit good as Infra-Red illuminators to illume up the needed countries of the face. A nervous web attack is adopted by D'Orazio et Al. [ 21 ] and RibariA†¡ et Al. [ 22 ] in their proposed systems. In [ 21 ] , the oculus is detected based on the border information of the flag, with its darker coloring material doing it much easier to turn up. A back extension nervous web is trained to sort the province of the eyes ( either unfastened or closed ) . On the other manus, in [ 22 ] , a intercrossed nervous web and a combination of the â€Å" HMAX theoretical account † and â€Å" Viola-Jones sensor † together with a Multi-Layer Perceptron ( MLP ) are used to turn up the face. The grade of caput rotary motion, oculus closing and oral cavity openness are the fatigue steps calculated. To sort driver public presentation informations, Liang et Al. [ 23 ] make usage of Support Vector Machines ( SVMs ) . They focus on cognitive ( mental ) , instead than ocular driver distractions. For fast face and facial characteristic sensing, the method proposed by Viola and Jones affecting a boosted cascade of characteristics based on Haar ripples is adopted in a figure of documents, including [ 24 ] and [ 25 ] . Often, a loanblend of techniques are used to obtain better consequences for driver weariness sensing. Saradadevi and Bajaj [ 26 ] usage Viola-Jones ‘ method for mouth sensing and SVMs to right sort normal and yawning oral cavity cases. On the contrary, the one presented by Narole and Bajaj [ 27 ] combines pixel-based skin coloring material cleavage for face sensing and a mixture of nervous webs and familial algorithms to optimally find the weariness index, with the nervous web being given as initial input values for oculus closing and oscitance rate.Other Fatigue Mo nitoring SystemsAs with drivers in autos, pilots in aircrafts are obviously capable to tire, chiefly due to the drawn-out flight continuances. NTI Inc. and Science Applications International Corporation ( SAIC ) [ 28 ] designed the Fatigue Avoidance Scheduling Tool ( FAST ) , a system intended to track and foretell weariness degrees for U.S. Air Force pilots, based on the SAFTE ( Sleep, Activity, Fatigue and Task Effectiveness ) theoretical account created by Dr. Steven Hursh. Another application in which weariness monitoring is utile is in the bar of Computer Vision Syndrome [ 29 ] , a status caused by working for drawn-out hours in forepart of show devices, such as computing machine proctors. Matsushita et Al. [ 30 ] besides developed a wearable weariness monitoring system which detects marks of weariness based on caput motions. The broad assortment of different applications developed to supervise weariness is an grounds of the turning importance of this field. The focal point in the following portion of the literature reappraisal will switch to the weariness analysis attack taken in this thesis: the sensing of faces and their characteristics in images. The implicit in methods and algorithms typically used in this procedure will be discussed.Reappraisal on Face and Facial Feature Detection TechniquesKnowledge-based methodsDetecting faces in knowledge-based techniques involves the encryption of a set of simple regulations specifying the features of the human face, including pixel strengths in the images and the places and correlativities between the different characteristics, since these are common to all human existences. In a knowledge-based method presented by Yang and Huang [ 31 ] , a hierarchy of grayscale images of different declarations together with three different classs of regulations are used. The images are analysed for possible face campaigners by using regulations that have to make with the cell strength distribution of the human face. An betterment to this multi-resolution method was proposed by Kotropoulos and Pitas [ 32 ] . Alternatively of ciphering the mean pixel strength of each cell, merely those for each image row and column are computed, organizing perpendicular and horizontal profiles severally. To vouch a high sensing rate, the regulations in knowledge-based methods must neither be excessively general nor excessively specific, and hence, the coevals of regulations for the face must be performed really carefully. Because of the complexness required in coding all possible face constellations, rule-based techniques do non provide for different face airss [ 33 ] , doing them decidedly inappropriate for weariness monitoring applications.Feature-based methodsFeature-based attacks to confront sensing differ in a important manner from rule-based techniques in that they foremost attempt to place a individual ‘s facial properties and later find whether the latter are valid plenty to represent a human face, ensuing in the sensing of that face.Facial FeaturesThe presence of faces in images is frequently determined by trying to observe facial characteristics such as the eyes, nose and mouth. In a method presented by Sirehoy [ 34 ] , the egg-shaped nature of the human face is used as the footing for face sensing in grayscale images with littered backgrounds. Due to the different visual aspects of facial characteristics in images, Leung et Al. [ 35 ] usage a combination of several local characteristic sensors utilizing Gaussian derivative filters together with a statistical theoretical account of the geometrical distances between these characteristics to guarantee accurate face localisation. Han et Al. [ 36 ] , on the other manus, usage morphological operations that focus chiefly on the oculus part in their efforts to observe faces, based on the logical thinking that this is the most consistent facial part in different light conditions. A more robust and flexible feature-based system was presented by Yow and Cipolla [ 37 ] . The theoretical account cognition of the face that is used screens a wider country, including the superciliums, eyes, nose and mouth. A figure of Partial Face Groups ( PFGs ) , tantamount to a subset of these characteristic points ( 4 ) , are used to provide for partial face occlusions.Face TextureAnother face cue that is used for sensing intents is its textural form, this being specific to worlds and hence easy discriminable from other forms. Manian and Ross [ 38 ] present an algorithm that uses the symmetricalness and uniformity of the facial form as the footing of sensing. Rikert et Al. [ 39 ] tackle texture-based sensing in a different manner, utilizing a statistical method that learns to correctly sort whether an image contains a face or non.Skin ColourMany plants related to human clamber coloring material as a face sensing cue have been presented in recent old ages. Detection can be either pixel-based or region-based. The former attack is normally taken, in which each pel is analysed and classified as either tegument or non-skin. Two chief picks are made during this procedure: the coloring material infinite and tegument modeling method. Harmonizing to [ 40 ] , the normalized RGB, HSV and YCrCb coloring material infinites are typically used to pattern skin coloring material. Normalized RGB [ 41 – 45 ] is reported to be consistent in different light conditions and face orientations. On the other manus, YCrCb [ 46 – 48 ] and HSV [ 49 – 51 ] are normally chosen since they specifically separate the luminosity and chrominance constituents of the images. In [ 40 ] , several other tegument patterning techniques normally adopted are mentioned.Template matching methodsAnother proposed method for face sensing involves the storage of forms of the face and its characteristics, which are so compared to existent face images and given a correlativity value ( i.e. the degree of similarity between the existent image and the stored form ) . The higher this value, the greater is the opportunity that the image contains a face. Works on templet fiting techniques in recent old ages have focused both on fixed and variable-size ( deformable ) templets.Fixed-size TemplatesFengjun et Al. [ 52 ] and Ping et Al. [ 53 ] usage a combination of skin coloring material cleavage and templet matching for face sensing. Two grayscale templets with predefined sizes – one covering the whole face and the other concentrating merely on the part incorporating the two eyes – are utilised in both systems. Fixed-size templets, although straightforward to implement, miss adaptability to different caput places since sensing is greatly affected by the orientation defined in the templet.Deformable TemplatesAn improved templet matching method is one in which the templet can be altered to better reflect the input images and therefore would be able to place a wider assortment of faces in different airss. Yuille et Al. [ 54 ] propose deformable oculus and mouth templet matching in their work. Initially, the templets are parameterized through pre-processing to bespeak the expected form of both characteristics. The work presented by Lanitis et Al. [ 55 ] besides parameterizes the templet s, concentrating on the coevals of flexible molded human face theoretical accounts through the usage of a â€Å" Point Distribution Model † ( PDM ) [ 56 ] which is trained on a figure of images per individual with characteristic fluctuations within and between faces.Appearance-based methodsRather than being based on a set of preset templets, appearance-based face sensing relies on machine larning techniques that identify the presence of faces and their major features after a procedure of developing on existent universe informations. One of the most widely adopted machine larning attacks for face sensing are nervous webs, chiefly because of the success they achieved in other applications affecting pattern acknowledgment. Rowley et Al. [ 57 ] propose a robust multi-layer multi-network nervous web that takes as input pre-processed 20Ãâ€"20 grayscale pel images to which a filter is applied at each pel place, returning a face correlativity value from -1 to 1. The concealed beds o f the nervous web are designed to supervise different shaped countries of the human face, such as both eyes utilizing a 20Ãâ€"5 pel window and single eyes and other characteristics with the 5Ãâ€"5 and 10Ãâ€"10 Windowss. The web so outputs another mark finding the presence or otherwise of a face in a peculiar window. Yang et Al. [ 58 ] establish their system on a Sparse Network of Winnows ( SNoW ) [ 59 ] . Two mark nodes ( â€Å" linear units † ) patterning face and non-face form characteristics are used in this instance. The active characteristics ( with binary representation ) in an input illustration are first identified and given as input to the web. The mark nodes are â€Å" coupled via leaden borders † to a subset of the characteristics. To update the weights for farther preparation, the Winnow update regulation method developed by Littlestone [ 60 ] is adopted. A additive categorization technique in the signifier of Support Vector Machines ( SVMs ) was used to observe faces in an application presented by Osuna et al [ 61 ] in 1997. While the bulk of machine acquisition attacks ( including nervous webs ) effort to take down the â€Å" empirical hazard † , i.e. the mistake value in the preparation procedure, SVMs attempt to cut down the upper edge of the expected generalisation mistake in a procedure called â€Å" structural hazard minimisation † . Viola and Jones [ 62 ] present a rapid object sensing system holding face sensing as its motive. A important difference from other proposed systems is that rectangular characteristics, instead than pels, nowadays in the inputted grayscale images are used as the bases for categorization. This has the consequence of increasing the velocity of the overall procedure. Viola and Jones ‘ method will be discussed in item in the following chapter of this thesis.Purposes and AimsFamiliarization with the OpenCV tool. Literature Review about bing systems and methods to be used in this Dissertation. Fast face sensing utilizing Viola-Jones technique. Execution of multiple facial characteristics used to find the fatigue degree. Application of Support Vector Machine classifier to observe unsafe state of affairss such as driver kiping etc. Real-time execution of the proposed methods within OpenCV.MethodsViola-Jones technique for face sensing. Support vector machines to sort facial visual aspect ( e.g. open/closed eye/mouth ) . Features to be taken into consideration: caput motion, oculus closing and frequence of oral cavity gap ( bespeaking yawning ) . Eye weariness steps include PERCLOS ( PERcentage Eye CLOSure over clip ) and AECS ( Average Eye Closure Speed ) .EvaluationComparing the developed system to other systems found in literature in footings of preciseness, callback and truth. Deducing some trial informations on which the algorithms will be tested. Test topics seeking out the application. Showing the consequences obtained.DeliverablesProgress Report. Review Report. 2 page abstract for ICT Final YearA Student Projects Exhibition. Presentation Slides and Poster. Spiral and difficult edge transcripts of the Dissertation Report. C++ application, preparation and testing resources.Section 2: Work PlanWork done so farCollected and read several documents related to bing driver weariness systems and face sensing in general. Completed the first bill of exchange of the literature reappraisal. Familiarized myself with the OpenCV environment. Used a webcam to capture two short cartridge holders inside a auto, one in sunny and the other in cloud-covered conditions. Collected 2000 positive and 4000 negative images for face sensing. Positive images: 1500 taken from FERET grayscale face database, the other 500 from the captured cartridge holders. Negative images: created a C++ application to randomly choice non-relevant countries of the frames of the two captured cartridge holders. Created another C++ application to be able to harvest the positive images to bespeak merely the needed rectangular countries, bring forthing a text file to be used in the preparation procedure. Used this information to bring forth a classifier for faces in XML format with OpenCV ‘s Haar preparation public-service corporation.SubtasksCompute truth, preciseness and callback values for the face sensing preparation. Trial with new picture cartridge holders and observing the consequences obtained. Perform Cross Validation. Train the classifier for oral cavities, once more utilizing positive and negative images. For oculus sensing, an already generated classifier will be used. Extract characteristics from face, oculus and mouth sensing. Integrate and utilize a C++ library for support vector machines, such as libSVM, to sort facial visual aspect. Write Abstract, Introduction, Methodology, Evaluation, Results, Future Work and Conclusion of the Dissertation Report. Write Review Report. Write 2 page abstract for ICT Final YearA Student Projects Exhibition. Work on Presentation Slides and Poster.Schedule ( Gantt Chart )Section 3: Mentions[ 1 ] D. Dinges, M. Mallis, G. Maislin and J. Powell ( 1998 ) . â€Å" Concluding study: Evaluation of Techniques for Ocular Measurement as an Index of Fatigue and the Basis for Alertness Management † , U.S. Dept. 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Harmonizing Research, Practice

Harmonizing Research, Practice, and Policy in Early Childhood Music: A Chorus of International Voices (Part 2) Lori A. Custodero & Lily Chen-Hafteck a b a b Music and Music Education program at Teachers College, Columbia University Music Department, Kean University, New Jersey Version of record first published: 07 Aug 2010. To cite this article: Lori A. Custodero & Lily Chen-Hafteck (2008): Harmonizing Research, Practice, and Policy in Early Childhood Music: A Chorus of International Voices (Part 2), Arts Education Policy Review, 109:3, 3-8 To link to this article: http://dx. doi. org/10. 3200/AEPR. 109. 3. 3-8PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www. tandfonline. com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publis her does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources.The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Copyright  © 2008 Heldref Publications Harmonizing Research, Practice, and Policy in Early Childhood Music: A Chorus of International Voices (Part 2) LORI A. CUSTODERO and LILY CHEN-HAFTECK Editor’s note. Lori A. Custodero and Lily Chen-Hafteck served as guest editors for both Part 1 and Part 2 of the special issue International Policies on Early Childhood Music Education: Local and Global IssuesRevealed. n the November/December 2007 issue of Arts Education Policy Review, readers were introduced to e arly childhood music policies in Brazil, England, Kenya, Puerto Rico, South Africa, and the United States. In this collection, a second ensemble of experts from Australia, China, Denmark, Korea, Israel, and Taiwan joins them. Like the previous issue, these authors presented papers or workshops at an International Society for Music Education, Early Childhood Music Education Seminar in Taipei in 2006 and wrote new articles for inclusion here.They responded to the same charge as the previous authors to answer the following questions: †¢ What policies currently exist in your country for early childhood music education? †¢ To what extent do these policies meet the needs of children in your country? †¢ How are teachers prepared to teach early childhood music in your country? †¢ In what ways do local and global cultures figure into the policies and practices of early childhood music in your country? Additionally, we offered the following questions, to be addressed at th e author’s discretion: †¢ Do different musical cultures require different instructional approaches?And, conversely, are certain music instructional approaches culture specific? How does this impact policy and practice of early childhood music in your country? †¢ What are the potential risks and rewards of mandating multicultural musical experiences for young children? Finally, we asked authors to address any issues specific to their regions and to make concrete suggestions regarding policy for their countries. Salient themes emerged addressing what was taught and who was responsible for that content.In many ways these two conditions are inseparable, interrelated through the social nature of musical experiences. In these accounts, we also see ways in which content and delivery shape reception and how that process, in turn, defines and is defined by culture. Examining these geographical contexts raises questions about atti- I tudes, practices, and policies concerning early childhood music education that have significance for many of us. We chose three threads of inquiry from the many that weave these single texts into a textual fugue: (a) ensions between child and adult culture; (b) competing influences by global, regional, and local agencies on standards and curricula; and (c) expectations for teacher knowledge and preparation. Competing Cultures: Child and Adult The existence of a musical culture in early childhood, which is distinctly different from the adult culture, is based on studies showing similarities of vocal contours used in communication between infants and mothers across cultures (Papousek 1996), as well as research regarding the differences between music made by children and adults (e. . , Bjorkvold 1992; Campbell 2007; Littleton 1998; Marsh 1995; Moorhead and Pond 1941). Sven-Erik Holgersen’s article on early childhood music in Scandinavia describes practices in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway that are sensitive to the childâ €™s culture. The cultural clash in those regional systems exists between programs that favor an elemental or natural approach to education for the young based on the free play aesthetic and those that see music Vol. 109, No. 3, January/February 2008 3 as a mode of artistic expression requiring learned skills.Lily Chen-Hafteck and Zhoyua Xu and, separately, Jennifer Chau-Ying Leu found preschools in Chinesespeaking countries to have a strong sense of adult culture. Most parents and teachers believe school should stress academic learning rather than play, so that children can achieve high scores on tests and examinations. Chinese culture also stresses study and hard work as important for academic success. In Korea, Nam-Hee Lim and Shunah Chung found that adults believe young children need close supervision and guidance from teachers and parents in their development.Therefore, children’s natural tendency to be playful and creative is not recognized as a core value in school; potential for future success drives decisions. These cultural differences are interactive with and reflective of current conditions and regional history. In China, for example, books were printed with movable type as early as the eighth century, whereas in Europe copies were still drawn by hand until the 1400s. Such a long history of text accessibility elevated reading and writing to a valued skill that was recognizable and sought (Smith 1991).Societal values may offer another lens to interpret early academic emphasis, such as those espoused by Confucius, for whom morality and caring for others, especially family, were primary. In terms of contemporary conditions, Louie Suthers of Australia notes that in her varied country one can see differences in starting ages of pre-primary education. In Denmark, the children start at three years of age and continue for four years. In China, pre-primary education starts at four years of age and continues for three years, although care is availa ble in each country mentioned from birth.Also of note, the average student teacher ratio in China is 28:1, differing from Hong Kong’s average ratio of 16:1. The older starting age in China may perpetuate (or reflect interest in) the schooling culture. Leu’s discussion of the importance of family context is relevant to this point, inasmuch as it may provide the space for child culture 4 Arts Education Policy Review to flourish while adult culture is operating at school. Claudia Gluschankof writes about the purposeful creation of materials for the child culture with the development of the New Hebrew Culture in the Israeli territories during the early 1900s.Preschools were created based on the Froebel playcentered model and provide an unusual case in the concentrated production of children’s music in a language that had no such repertoire prior to the kindergartens establishment. The conscious choice to provide young children with cultural tools for understanding a t the earliest stages of a community is reminiscent of Sheila Woodward’s discussion concerning the importance of children in nation building in South Africa, featured in the previous issue of this journal.In her conclusion, Gluschankof raises important questions concerning this created canon of songs and the lack of repertoire for Arab-speaking children. Using the idea of child culture as a lens for viewing cultural and educational policies provides a useful way to understand differences and similarities in political systems that define the worlds in which we teach, research, and cohabitate. Such understanding may lead to more focused and meaningful questions that may reveal inequities or alternative directions in music education worthy of exploration.Considerations of these policies regarding conceptions of adulthood and childhood lead directly to curricular influences that we view from a related dialectic: the local and global. Local and Global Influences: Child and World I n the first part of this symposium, we focused on the tension between small and large scaled views of what should be taught, each serving a different societal need. In the second part, we speak more specifically to the notion of a national curriculum because it is mentioned in each of the articles collected here.We are interested in questions dealing with how these personal and collective influences affect children’s music education: â€Å"Does governmentmandated standardized curriculum limit possibilities or insure access of quality to all children? † and â€Å"What is the exemplar to which music education should be standardized? † The first question is meant to generate critical thinking regarding what and how policymakers might send messages about music education in the early years; the second is meant to question assumptions we might have surrounding best practice and the cultural nuances that shape it.Suthers, discussing Australia’s situation, is min dful that there is no national music curriculum for pre-primary school and points to a recent reform movement in music education that excluded early childhood experiences. She notes that this leaves teachers feeling isolated and that their work is undervalued. Alternatively, Gluschankoff discusses the children’s music written in Hebrew as somewhat ideological and makes suggestions for addressing the inclusion of additional materials to meet the needs of a multicultural society.One of the ways in which the national curriculum may become nationalistic is in the mandates or recommendations around singing repertoire. The role played by singing in socialization is significant and has been used for centuries to transmit cultural values, to teach language, and to establish qualities of rhythmic energy that typify a way of being; Dissanayake (2000) makes the case for mutuality and belonging as ways the arts are meaningful to us.Inasmuch as collective singing creates a sense of belong ing, we have a responsibility to monitor the ways in which we look at the child and the world (see Leu’s article describing ecological systems and Lim and Chung on the supportive role of adults). Chen-Hafteck and Xu also write about the importance of family singing and the differing role of school music. When local knowledge is replaced by chauvinism, music can be decontextualized. Because musicality is deeply rooted in shared experience, (Trevarthen 1999) we need to guard the personal and not expose children’s vulnerability to politicization.Our concern regarding global trends also involves the perception that globalization means movement toward Downloaded by [Macquarie University] at 14:58 28 March 2013 Western ideals. Attention to the local, once again, is necessary to adequately implement any change. In China, for example, although the new educational policies follow the global trends rhetorically, espousing learning through play and stressing personal expression a nd creativity, its usefulness is severely hampered by conflicting views in the local tradition regarding a deep belief in academic success as the consummate benchmark.Holgerson considers a similar dissonance between local needs and governmental responsibility to all children through the philosophical lens of Bildung, a generative model that keeps the questions about such disconnections at the forefront of practice. Downloaded by [Macquarie University] at 14:58 28 March 2013 Teacher Knowledge: Child and Music Practice policies are perhaps best viewed vis-a-vis teacher preparation— what do we value as knowledge? For most of us, early childhood musical practice involves understanding as much as we can about children while keeping the cultural context in mind.This might include individual experiences that contribute to their uniqueness and developmental trends that might give indications about what to expect in terms of maturation. What knowledge do we need of music? In this issu e, the authors discuss the importance of a diverse and culturally responsive repertoire, singing range, quality of recordings, appropriate use of instruments, and sound sensitivity. In this collection of articles, the authors suggest that these two knowledge areas are rarely considered together and that they exist in bifurcation, at least conceptually.Across the globe, there are those who are considered to have knowledge of the child in context (families or generalist teachers) and those who have knowledge of the child in music (specialists). Holgersen describes this dichotomy in practical terms—music activities and music teaching. The goals of using music are indeed varied and the complexity of music leads to multiple possibilities worthy of exploration. Among the authors there is a consensus concerning the need for collaboration between the two areas of expertise with several concrete recommendations.Reasons for this common phenomenon center on the systems in place for teac her preparation and the institutional divisions of disciplines; authors advocate for more carefully structured professional development to help bridge the disciplinary divide. Knowing the body of work of these authors, we are familiar with their efforts to form partnerships with local child care specialists and have been involved with such partnerships at our universities. Child and Adult It is noteworthy that many of the responses are about memories of musical adults who were influential in their music education.Graham Welch (pers. comm. ) offers: I was educated in a Church of England Primary school in London . . . where we sang, often with the local Vicar leading on the piano. I can remember his enthusiasm, quick tempo and intensity of keyboard playing. F or most of us, early childhood musical practice involves understanding as much as we can about children while keeping the cultural context in mind. We believe them to be some of the most meaningful opportunities for our own teach er knowledge.Policy and Personal Voice In addition to the authors featured here, to inform our sense of the historical significance of current situations regarding early childhood music and the breadth to which our profession defines policy, we asked our colleagues involved in international musical education about their memories of early childhood music education and their relationship to policy with the following questions: 1. Reflecting on your childhood before age eight, what were the influences of policy on your music education? . How does this compare with today’s situation for young children? Responses were varied and provided insight through a self-reflective lens. We looked at the seven responses regarding their relatedness to our three topics and to how policy can reach us as individuals in a long-lasting way. Alda Oliveira (pers. comm. ) from Brazil also reflected on a teacher: The first time I went to school I was seven years old. At this age I choose to take piano lessons with a private piano teacher.She was a marvelous teacher since her method included not only playing by reading and singing the notes, but also playing by ear and some popular songs. Family members had a strong musical presence in June Boyce Tillman’s (pers. comm. ) childhood in England: â€Å"My music was regularly singing with and listening to the playing of my paternal grandfather who was the village dance band pianist. † Margre van Gestel (pers. comm. ) of The Netherlands also wrote of related experiences: I had the privilege to be surrounded by a musical family.We had a piano in our home and I spent lots of time behind the piano in my grandmother’s house. My uncles and aunts could play the piano and as a child I enjoyed listening to them. One of my aunts was the ballet teacher in the village and from the age of four I was in her dancing classes. It was normal in my family to sing and play. My father had a good voice and was a soloist in the church c hoir when he was young; he played the clarinet and was a folkdance Vol. 109, No. 3, January/February 2008 5 teacher during scouting activities.I guess my days were filled with (live) music, not in courses but just all day long. Van Gestel shared a record of family influence: In my baby dairy, when I was 8 months old, my mother wrote: â€Å"Today she clapped her hands. She probably learned that from her grandmother! When you sing Clap your hands she reacts immediately. † One year old: â€Å"When we sing Oh my daddy (a popular song in the sixties) she sings along, ‘daddy, daddy. ’† In South Africa, apartheid led to decisions about schooling for Caroline Van Niekerk (pers. omm. ) that indirectly influenced her musical education by removing her from the direct influences of the national educational system of that time. She also spoke of a contemporary situation in which fighting governmental policies was necessary and of the strength we have to overcome questi onable decisions: I had a desperate call just yesterday from someone with a story of how their education faculty, in training teachers for the Foundation Phase, wants to remove music as an optional area of specialization for students.We are now all doing everything in our power to protest such a prospect loudly. But I have also seen what I regard as a promising development, and similar to the situation I witnessed in California when we lived there, more than twenty years ago—as parents of young children realize that the formal education system is not necessarily going to provide their children with what they believe is important, and especially as regards the arts, including music, they start to take responsibility for those things themselves. ntil I was about [age] five) could not get my lessons paid for. Had the place still be in that county I would have been entitled to a bursary to pay for lessons and I would have been able to learn a second instrument. But without that m y parents could only afford piano lessons. I am still sad about this, which was simply a matter of geography and the local control of resources. Child and Music The same issues featured authors raised are apparent in the additional professionals’ responses: the lack of resources and teachers. Gary McPherson (pers. comm. links personal memories with policies, of which he sees little change, from his Australian childhood: I have a vague memory of singing in a school choir that was [led] by a general classroom teacher when I was about six or seven, but the group was nothing special so it had no impact on my subsequent musical development. . . . I went back some years ago and had a look at the way music was described in the school curriculum (particularly primary school curriculum). There were all sorts of aids and resources for general primary teachers to use but music wasn’t typically taught well in schools.To be honest, I’m not sure the status of music in the cur riculum is any different. Downloaded by [Macquarie University] at 14:58 28 March 2013 These testimonies to strong and positive adult influence suggest that family education is important, as Leu and others advocate in this symposium, with the caveat that the experiences described are with adults perceived as musicians. This suggests we need to exercise caution in defining people in terms of limited musicality and that music education of our children means their children will be better educated.It is interesting that teachers were remembered for the affective qualities they conveyed and through a curricular stance that was relevant to the child. Child and World The relationships among local, state, and global influences are also reflected in these personal accounts. Many of these music professionals took private music lessons and considered their experiences to be nonpolicy driven. Oliveira (pers. comm. ) mentioned the involvement of musicians in music education policy—specific ally, the Canto Orfeonico policy under the leadership of composer Villa-Lobos.She recalls that this policy influenced her school education, which included â€Å"group singing and elementary level music theory. † As already discussed, group singing is a common vehicle for politicization. Like Gluschonkof’s report of Israeli songs contributing to nation-building, Boyce Tillman (pers. comm. ) noted that: At [age] seven I went to a school where we had massed singing in the Hall when we sang British folksongs, many of which I still know by heart. We had a book called the New National Song book, which was a deliberate attempt after the war to restore a sense of nationhood.This was used throughout my school career. 6 Arts Education Policy Review Welch wrote of intersecting influences of church and state: I discovered later that the London County Council was very supportive of music in schools generally, although my local experiences as a child were as much to do with the link to the Church and the established ethos of including singing as a natural part of the school day. Ana Lucia Frega (pers. comm. ) describes a similar situation in her native Argentina. Early childhood music courses were not always taught by a specialist . . . his means that some problems arose: some of the K-general teachers [choose materials that] do not really fit the [appropriate] children range of voices, and which tend to create vocal difficulties. He notes the longevity of such a workable match: â€Å"On returning to the school many years later for my first teaching post, I discovered that the school’s policy toward music had continued, with the same range of events and activities in place. † In the previous issue, Young discussed the unprecedented commitment England has made to the arts—specifically music, a commitment Welch reiterates.Boyce Tillman recalls a time when the resources from the national government were in local hands, resulting in inequitabl e opportunity: At [age] seven I started piano lessons but because the place we lived in was then in Southampton and not in the County of Hampshire (to which we are very close and in which we had been Although our policymaking systems move slowly, and are not always moving in the direction we would like, there is hope in the growing numbers of people who care about music education. Oliviera writes: â€Å"at least we can feel the difference between my generation and today’s generation. Perhaps our aim is to prepare children who grow up to be like von Gestel, with the same rich resources at hand for creating meaningful experiences: Music (and especially making and teaching music) was and is a part of my everyday life, and really I can’t imagine a life without singing together and making music. It makes my life worth living. References Bjorkvold, J. R. 1992. The muse within: Creativity and communication, song and play from childhood through maturity. Trans. W. H. Halverso n, New York: HarperCollins. Campbell, P. S. 2007. Musical meaning in children’s cultures. In International handbook of research in arts education, ed.L. Bresler, 881–94. Dorderecht, The Netherlands: Springer. Dissanayake, E. 2000. Art and intimacy. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Littleton, D. 1998. Music learning and child’s play. General Music Today 12 (1): 8–15. Marsh, K. 1995. Children’s singing games: Composition in the playground? Research Studies in Music Education 4:2–11. Moorhead, G. E. , and D. Pond. 1941. Music of young children. 1 Chant. Santa Barbara, CA: Pillsbury Foundation for the Advancement of Music Education. Papousek, H. 1996. Musicality in infancy research: Biological and cultural origins of early musicality.In Musical beginnings: Origins and development of musical competence, ed. I. Deliege and J. Sloboda, 37–55. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Smith, D. C. 1991. Foundations of modern Chinese e ducation. In The Confucian continuum, ed. D. C. Smith, 1–64. New York: Praeger. Trevarthen, C. 1999. Musicality and the intrinsic motive pulse: Evidence from psychobiology and human communication. Musicae Scientiae (Special Issue: Rhythm, Musical Narrative, and Origins of Human Communication), 155–211. Lori A. Custodero is an associate professor and program coordinator of the MusicDownloaded by [Macquarie University] at 14:58 28 March 2013 and Music Education program at Teachers College, Columbia University, where she has established an early childhood music concentration that integrates pedagogy and research through both theory and practice. She served on the International Society for Music Education’s Commission for Early Childhood for six years and is involved in research and teaching projects in a variety of countries. Lily Chen-Hafteck is an associate professor of music education and assistant chair of the Music Department at Kean University, New Jersey.Ori ginally from Hong Kong, she has held teaching and research positions at the University of Pretoria in South Africa, the University of Surrey Roehampton in England, and Hong Kong Baptist University. She serves on the editorial board of the International Journal of Music Education, Asia-Pacific Journal for Arts Education and Music Education Research International. She is the chair of the International Society for Music Education Young Professionals Focus Group. Vol. 109, No. 3, January/February 2008 7 Downloaded by [Macquarie University] at 14:58 28 March 2013 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

Types of Entrepreneurship

Types of Entrepreneurship and Economic Growth DOI:10. 1093/acprof:oso/9780199596515. 003. 0004 Abstract and Keywords This chapter is an empirical exploration of types of entrepreneurship and their impact on economic growth in developing and transition countries. It relates indicators of entrepreneurship to average rates of economic growth in the period 2002–5. For this the chapter utilizes a dataset on entrepreneurship in thirty? six countries from the Global Enterprise Monitor (GEM), collected in 2002.It finds that indicators of young business activity have a significant impact on growth in high? income countries and transition countries, but not in developing countries. The chapter explains the lack of significant effects in developing countries by pointing to the lack of complementary physical and human capital and the scarcity of larger companies that can act as a training ground for SMEs. Keywords:  Ã‚  Ã‚  entrepreneurship,  growth? oriented entrepreneurship,  econ omic growth,  global entrepreneurship monitor 4. 1  IntroductionEntrepreneurship has long been considered a crucial mechanism of economic development (Schumpeter  1934; Landes  1998). However, empirical studies on the role of entrepreneurship in economic growth show mixed evidence (Stam  2008). This is not remarkable because there is much heterogeneity in both the kinds of entrepreneurship and the kinds of economic contexts in which economic growth takes place. Until now studies have not sufficiently accounted for this heterogeneity on the micro- and macro-level, which limits our insight into the contingent role of entrepreneurship in economic growth.Important questions in this respect are: ‘How does the role of entrepreneurship differ between high-income, transition, and medium-income countries? ’, and ‘What kinds of entrepreneurship are most crucial for economic growth? ’. The objective of this chapter is to provide insights into the role of dif ferent types of entrepreneurship in economic growth, and on how this role differs in poor and rich economies. In this chapter, we empirically investigate the effect of entrepreneurship on economic growth at the country-level.We use data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM), which provides comparative data on entrepreneurship from a wide range of countries. An important element of this chapter is that we compare the effects of entrepreneurial activity on economic growth in high-income countries, transition countries (China, Hungary, Poland, Russia, and Slovenia), and medium-income countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, India, Mexico, South Africa, and Thailand). This dataset also enables us to make a distinction between the effects of entrepreneurship in general and  (p. 9 )growth-oriented entrepreneurship in particular. We present empirical tests of the impact of entrepreneurial activity on GDP growth over a four-year period for a sample of 36 countries. Our empirical anal yses suggest that entrepreneurship does not have an effect on economic growth in medium-income countries, in contrast to transition and high-income countries where especially growth-oriented entrepreneurship seems to contribute strongly to macroeconomic growth. 4. 2  Entrepreneurship and economic development Development is a broad concept entailing the raising of human capabilities (Sen  1999).One of the central challenges in improving economic development is to increase the standards of living for individuals and growth of the economy as a whole. Even though economic growth in itself is a rather narrow target, it is probably one of the most important targets for development policies. It is also one of the measures that is most easy to access for analysts, and probably the best measure to make cross-national (Barro  1991; Sala-i-Martin  1997) and historical (Maddison  2001) analyses of the development of economies.Traditionally the economic output of a country is seen as a function of capital and labour inputs, combined with technical change (Solow  1957). Of course, conflicts and wars might interrupt this function (Sala-i-Martin  1997), but these are ‘just’ contingencies. The standard production function used shows that economic output (Y) is a function of the sum of labour and capital inputs, and the level of technological knowledge (i. e. productivity). This means that economic growth—the growth of economic output—is a function of the growth of labour and capital inputs and technological progress.In traditional models of economic growth investment in capital, labour, and technology is sufficient to realize economic growth. New models of economic growth see these investments as a necessary complement to entrepreneurship/innovation, but not as a sufficient explanation for economic growth in its own right (Nelson and Pack  1999). One could even argue that high rates of investment in human and physical capital are them selves stimulated by effective innovation, and cannot be maintained in the absence of innovation.Recent studies emphasize entrepreneurship as a driver of economic development and some authors include entrepreneurship as a fourth production factor in the macroeconomic production function (Audretsch and Keilbach  2004). Entrepreneurship is the factor that creates wealth by combining existing production factors in new ways. Entrepreneurs experiment with new combinations of which the outcomes are uncertain, but in order to make progress, many new variations have to be tried in order to find out which ones will  (p. 80 )  improve (economic) life (Rosenberg and Birdzell  1986).Other authors have argued that entrepreneurship will only unlock economic development if a proper institutional setting is in place (Baumol  1990; Boettke and Coyne  2003; Powell  2008). This institutional setting comprises informal as well as formal institutions (North  1990). An essential formal in stitution for welfare enhancing entrepreneurship is property rights. Insecure property rights have been an important constraint on the investments by entrepreneurs in transition countries, even more so than capital market constraints (Johnson, McMillan, and Woodruff  2000).A specific example regarding property rights is the fact that until 1988 private firms with more than seven workers were not even allowed to operate legally in China (Dorn  2008). One might say that the production factors capital, labour, technology, and entrepreneurship are the proximate causes of economic development, while institutions are a fundamental cause of economic development (Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson  2004). Next to productivity growth and technological change in established sectors, the development process in less advanced countries is largely about structural change (Gries and Naude  2010; Nelson and Pack1999; Rodrik  2007).It is a process in which an economy finds out—self-dis covers—what it can be good at producing, out of the many products that already exist. The role of entrepreneurs in developing countries does not equal innovation and R&D as commonly understood in advanced economies. Their role is to discover that a certain good, already well-established in world markets, can be produced at home at low cost (Hausmann and Rodrik  2003; Rodrik  2007).   Examples of this are the entrepreneurs that figured out that Bangladesh was good in the production of T-shirts, Colombia in cut flowers, India in software services, and Taiwan in bicycles and display technologies. Even if entrepreneurs cannot appropriate all these gains for themselves, their discoveries generate large social gains for their economies. Spurring entrepreneurs to invest in their home economy is said to be one of the most important aspects of stimulating growth in poor countries (Rodrik  2007). Investing refers here to innovation (e. g. mploying new technology, producing new products, searching for new markets) and expanding capacity. These investments trigger the combination of capital investment and technological change. In advanced capitalist economies, innovation and structural change take place through the combined efforts of small (independent inventors) and large innovative (organized R&D) firms, which complement each other in changing the economy (Nooteboom  1994; Baumol  2002). In developing countries the role of large firms is relatively small (Ghoshal, Hahn, and Moran  1999).In transition countries there are relatively many large organizations but these are largely in a process of restructuring and dismantling. This means that  (p. 81 )  small firms will be the prime movers in the process of structural change in developing and transition economies. We expect that the level of growth-oriented entrepreneurship in a country is a more relevant driver of economic growth than the mostly used indicators of entrepreneurship like self-employ ment and new firm formation.In contrast to rich countries, entrepreneurship in medium-income countries is mainly driven by necessity (Bosma et al. 2008). 2  Most entrepreneurs in these economies do not start a firm because they desire independence or because they want to increase their income as compared to being an employee, which are the dominant motives in rich countries. Most new businesses in medium-income countries are started out of necessity, in contrast to high-income countries, where entrepreneurship is most often opportunity-driven.This is reflected in the finding that in poor countries self-employed persons are less happy than employees, while the reverse is true in high-income countries (Blanchflower and Oswald  1998; Graham  2005). Entrepreneurs in medium-income countries most often start a business because they have no other way of earning a living. These entrepreneurs are not likely to be involved in a process of self-discovery; their actions are not likely to have an effect on the restructuring and diversification of the poor economies (Rodrik  2007). . 3  Data and research methods It is generally acknowledged that there are differences in the distribution of entrepreneurship across countries. Studies exploring differences in entrepreneurship across countries often focus on the incidence of new firm registration or self-employment, which may not be reliable indicators when applied to transition and developing countries with significant informal economies and fewer alternatives to self-employment.For these reasons we have used the Young Business (YB) indicator, defined as the percentage of adult population that is the owner/manager of a business that is less than 42 months old. Many studies have used the total entrepreneurial activity index, but that also includes the more speculative category of nascent entrepreneurs (individuals preparing a new business). In the current study we investigate whether the presence of growth-oriented en trepreneurs is a more important determinant of national economic growth than entrepreneurial activity in general.We will perform regression analyses with the YB  high-growth expectation  rate and the YB  medium-growth expectation  rate as independent variables and compare their impact on economic growth with the impact of the general YB index. The data and model used in this study are described below. We use a sample of 36 countries participating in the GEM in 2002. Data on six basic variables are used in our model: YB rate, YB medium-growth, YB  (p. 82 )  high-growth, growth of GDP, per capita income, and the growth competitiveness index (GCI). YB indexYB is defined as the percentage of adult population that is owner/manager of a business that is less than 42 months old. The YB high-(medium) growth expectation rate is defined as the percentage of adult population that is owner/manager of a business that is less than 42 months old,  and expects to employ 20 (six) emplo yees or more within five years  (YB6 and YB20). The YB medium-growth rate has some similarity to the entrepreneurship indicator used by Djankov et al. (2006), which includes owner-managers of a business with five or more employees. Data on the YB rate are taken from the GEM Adult Population Survey for 2002.Growth of GDP (? GDP) (Real) GDP growth rates are taken from the IMF World Economic Outlook database of the International Monetary Fund from September 2005. In equations (1) and (2) below variable ? GDPit  refers to the period 2002–5 (average annual growth) while the lagged GDP growth variable (? GDPi,t-1) refers to the period 1998–2001. Per capita income (GNIC) Most studies on GDP growth include the initial level of income in their analysis and find it to be significant (the conditional convergence effect, cf. Abramovitz  1986). Gross national income per capita 2001 is expressed in (thousands of) PPP dollars.These data are taken from the 2002 World Development Indicators database of the World Bank. Growth Competitiveness Index (GCI) In order to cover some aspects of the state of technology and institutions in a country (see Section  4. 2) we used the GCI for the year 2001 of the World Economic Forum (see McArthur and Sachs  2002). Given the low number of observations we are forced to use a combined index in our model. Even though there are huge problems in measuring technological capabilities and institutions (see Lall2001), the composite GCI is probably the best combined index available that covers these two factors simultaneously. p. 83 )  We investigate whether (growth-oriented) entrepreneurship may be considered as a determinant of economic growth, alongside the well-known determinants technology, institutions, and the macroeconomic environment, which are captured by the GCI. As both entrepreneurship and the factors underlying the GCI are assumed to be structural characteristics of an economy, we do not want to explain short-te rm economic growth but rather growth in the medium-term. Therefore we choose average annual growth over a period of four years (2002–5) as the dependent variable in this study.Following van Stel, Carree, and Thurik (2005), we use (the log of) initial income-level of countries to correct for catch-up effects, and lagged growth of GDP to correct for reversed causality effects, as additional control variables. 3 We allow for the possibility of different effects for high-income, transition, and medium-income countries. In addition we also test whether the effect of YB is different for transition countries. 4  YB rates may reflect different types of entrepreneurs in countries with different development levels, implying different impacts on growth.This is tested by defining separate YB variables for different groups of countries (high-income, transition, and medium-income countries). Our model is represented by equations (1) and (2). These equations are estimated separately by or dinary least squares. The expectation that growth-oriented YBs contribute more to national economic growth than YBs in general corresponds to b2  (c2) being larger than b1  (c1). In these equations sub-scripts t and t-1 loosely indicate that the independent variables are measured prior to the dependent variable.The exact years and periods for which the variables are measured can be found in the variable description above. ?GDPit=a+b1YBrichi,t? 1+c1YBtransitioni,t? 1+d1YBpoori,t? 1 +e? log(GNICi,t? 1)+f? GCIi,t? 1+g GDPi,t? 1+? it (1) ?GDPit=a+b2YB_high-growthrichi,t? 1+c2YB_high-growthtransitioni,t? 1+d2YB_high-growthpoori,t? 1+e? log(GNICi,t? 1)+f? GCIi,t? 1+g GDPi,t? 1+? it (2) To illustrate the data at hand, Table  4. 1  provides the YB rates and the YB medium- and high-growth rates in 2002 as well as the average annual growth rates of GDP over the period 2002–5.From Table  4. 1  and Figures  4. 1  and  4. 2  it can be seen that the ranking of countries in terms of YB or YB high-growth may be quite different. For instance, while China ranks fifth in terms of YB, it ranks first in terms of  (p. 84 ) Table 4. 1 Young business rates (2002) and GDP growth rates for 36 countrieshigh-growth YB. In contrast, Thailand ranks third in terms of YB, but only tenth in terms of high-growth YB. Figure 4. 1  Young business rates Figure 4. 2  Young business 20 rates Figure 4. 3  Correlation of young business rates and GDP growth rates Figure 4.   Correlation of high growth-oriented young business rates (20+) and GDP growth rates When we regress the rate of GDP growth on the YB rate and the YB20 rate, the YB20 rate reveals to have a stronger correlation with GDP growth (see Figures  4. 3  and  4. 4). (p. 85 )(p. 86 ) 4. 4  Entrepreneurship and national economic growth 4. 4. 1  Regression analyses The results of our empirical exercises are in Table  4. 2. Model I presents the regression results of the impact of the general YB i ndex (see equation (1)), while Models II and III show the results using the YB6 and YB20 rates as main independent variables (see equation (2)).The results presented in Table  4. 2  show that the impact of entrepreneurial activity is significantly positive for rich countries, but effectively zero for poor countries. The presence of growth-oriented entrepreneurs seems to be more important for achieving GDP growth than general entrepreneurship. Comparing the coefficients of the various YB rates, we see that the impact of YB6 is greater when compared to the impact of YB in general. Meanwhile the impact of YB20 is even greater, but not always statistically significant. Having more growth-oriented entrepreneurs seems to be particularly important in transition countries.Both the magnitude and the statistical significance of the estimated coefficient point to a stronger impact compared to high-income or medium-income countries. There are many reasons that could(p. 87 ) Table 4. 2 Regre ssion models average annual growth of GDP over the period 2002–5 (N=36)explain the importance of growth-oriented entrepreneurs in transition countries (Smallbone and Welter  2006). First, there are many entrepreneurial opportunities in formerly state-dominated sectors. Second, many highly qualified individuals lost their jobs at state-financed organizations (e. . universities, enterprises, government services). Third, there are many highly qualified (potential) entrepreneurs in these countries (especially in Eastern European countries), who do not face the opportunity costs of working for large public or private organizations. Fourth, those highly qualified (potential) entrepreneurs are also well connected to the power networks that were, and to a large extent still are, important in the political and economic arena of these countries, which takes away some barriers for high-growth firms in these countries.Summarizing, it may be argued that in transition economies high-grow th opportunities are more widely available and hence, a higher number of growth-oriented entrepreneurs willing to act on these opportunities may be particularly fruitful for achieving growth in these countries. However, we should be aware of the large diversity in the group of transition countries, which comprises countries like Russia and China, as well as Hungary and Slovenia. (p. 88 )  Our regression results should be interpreted with care as the analysis is based on a limited number of observations (36 countries).As a test of robustness we estimated the models leaving out one country at a time, i. e. we computed 36 auxiliary regressions, where each regression uses 35 observations (each time leaving one of the 36 countries out). Although t-values sometimes dropped a little, coefficients and t-values were generally in line with those reported in Table  4. 2. The country that matters the most for the results obtained in Table  4. 2  is China. This is not surprising as China combines high YB/YB6/YB20 rates with high GDP growth rates (see Table  4. 1). When leaving this country out of the sample, the coefficient (t-value) for the transition countries is 0. 2 (0. 5) for the YB rate, 1. 47 (1. 2) for the YB6 rate, and 1. 72 (1. 1) for the YB20 rate. The low t-values are in part due to the low number of observations. Note, however, that the coefficients are very similar to the full sample estimates reported in Table  4. 2. Furthermore, the Jarque–Bera test on the normality of disturbances is passed for all models reported in Table  4. 2, indicating that it is not necessary to remove individual country observations. Therefore we feel that our results are quite robust to the potential influence of outliers.Nevertheless, given the low number of observations, the results should only be seen as a first illustration of how the impact of different types of entrepreneurship may differ between groups of countries with different levels of development. 4 . 4. 2  Medium-income countries Within the groups of transition and developing economies there are substantial differences in entrepreneurship rates. Chile stands out because of a particularly high rate of growth-oriented entrepreneurship, while Mexico has a particularly low rate of growth-oriented entrepreneurship.In contrast to high-income countries, entrepreneurship in medium-income countries is mainly driven by necessity: self-employment is often the only occupational choice given a paucity of other sources of employment (necessity-based entrepreneurship; see Acs and Amoros  2008; Bosma et al. 2008). The actions of most of the entrepreneurs in medium-income countries are not likely to have an effect on the restructuring and diversification of the poor economies. This would be the whole story if the rates of growth-oriented entrepreneurship would also be marginal in these economies.This is only the case for Mexico. Next to Chile—where opportunity-driven entrepreneurshi p is dominant—Brazil, India, and Argentina perform quite well with respect to growth-oriented entrepreneurship. This means that there still is a substantial group of entrepreneurs in medium-income countries that might get involved in a process of self-discovery. The problem in practice is that in contrast to rich and transition economies, growth-oriented entrepreneurship is less likely to  (p. 89 )  be realized in developing economies, due to constraints on the provision of capital and (skilled) labour.An additional constraint in medium-income countries is that there are relatively few (foreign) large companies, which could act as a training ground for prospective growth-oriented entrepreneurs, and could open up distribution channels for new fledgling enterprises (Knorringa  1996). This is also reflected in the finding of Bosma, Stam, and Wennekers (2010) that the incidence of intrapreneurship (i. e. employees developing new business activities for their employer) is mu ch lower in medium-income countries than in high-income countries.In addition, one should make a distinction between large firms with productive (manufacturing) and resource extractive (mining, oil) activities here, as the former will be more useful for the development of entrepreneurship than the latter. 4. 4. 3  Transition countries New firms in transition countries not only displace obsolete incumbents but also fill in new markets, which were either non-existent or poorly populated in the past. Our study suggests that in transition countries, growth-oriented entrepreneurs make an important contribution to economic growth.They create new jobs with relatively high incomes which the small incumbent population of private firms cannot provide. This entrepreneurial growth process is facilitated by the relatively high levels of human capital in combination with relatively low opportunity costs of self-employment of the adult population. The high degree of environmental dynamism in the se countries—which is likely to positively affect the level of growth expectations and realizations of entrepreneurs in these countries—requires ambitious and well-connected entrepreneurs in order to translate these abundant opportunities in economic growth.There are considerable differences within the group of transition countries. Hsu (2005) shows that the role of these connections differs considerably between China and Russia: in China it was a tool which could be used to build enough trust to allow business transactions to succeed (‘capitalism without contracts’). In contrast, in Russia these connections devolved into corruption, and faded in importance for ordinary citizens. Without a way to build trust or extend networks, Russians retreated into defensive involution, and engaged in predatory behaviour against those outside their small circles of friends.Instead of capitalism without contracts, Russia suffered the depredations of ‘capitalists wi thout capitalism’. There are also substantial differences in entrepreneurship rates within the groups of transition economies. China stands out because of particularly high rates of growth-oriented entrepreneurship (cf. Hsu  2005). Even though the YB  (p. 90 )  rate is below the average of transition countries, the growth of self-employment has been enormous, not only in the richer coastal provinces, but also in rural areas (Mohapatra, Rozelle, and Goodhue  2007).Research by Djankov et al. (2006) also shows that entrepreneurs in China are more risk-taking and more committed to an entrepreneurial career than entrepreneurs in Russia. In addition, Russia has (and had: see Hsu  2005) a particularly low rate of entrepreneurship in general as well. The striking difference between entrepreneurship rates in China and Russia can be explained by their different paths from socialism to capitalism: gradualism and a shock therapy (see Burawoy  1996).In China the gradual transf ormation started with a policy of decollectivization (decentralization of property relations) in the late 1970s and the promotion of small-scale industry, with a focus on promoting independent entrepreneurship. Experimentation with new economic arrangements, for example privatization of small state-owned enterprises, has led to a favourable accumulation of productive capabilities in China. In contrast, Russia underwent a shock therapy in which the old communist regime was liquidated, with a focus on rapid privatization of the state sector.However, the Russian state failed to organize a market economy, which led to a coordination and entrepreneurial vacuum into which have stepped conglomerates, banks and mafia, siphoning off surplus from production to exchange (Burawoy  1996). 4. 5  Discussion of policy implications In this section we will briefly discuss the potential implications of our exploration of the relationship between types of entrepreneurship and economic growth for en trepreneurship policy and industrial/cluster policy in medium-income and transition countries. 5 4. 5. 1  Entrepreneurship policyOur empirical analyses suggest that entrepreneurship does not have an effect on economic growth in medium-income countries, in contrast to transition and high-income countries where both growth-oriented entrepreneurship and entrepreneurship in general seem to contribute strongly to macroeconomic growth. Does this mean that stimulating entrepreneurship in medium-income countries is bad policy? The least we can say is that stimulating entrepreneurship alone will be insufficient as it is likely to attract necessity entrepreneurs with low human capital levels who do not contribute to economic growth.The non-significant effect of entrepreneurship on economic growth in medium-income countries might point at a shortage of large firms in these countries. By exploitation of economies of scale and scope and by  (p. 91 )  adopting and diffusing technology devel oped elsewhere, large firms are important in transforming a developing economy into a developed economy (van Stel, Carree, and Thurik  2005). In these economies local workers are more productive working as wage employees than as entrepreneurs. Nevertheless stimulating growth-oriented entrepreneurship might be an additional element of transforming a developing economy into a developed one.Attracting investments by large (possibly foreign) firms, stimulating growth-oriented entrepreneurship, investing in labour and capital, and improving the institutional framework may be the recipe for growth here. On the one hand this is old news, in that it provides a plea for the traditional role of governments to invest in education and physical infrastructure, and to build and maintain a set of institutions that enable the development of the private sector (cf. Rosenberg and Birdzell  1986). On the other hand, the addition of growth-oriented entrepreneurship in development policy for medium- income and transition countries is a new element.One must be careful to target the right group of entrepreneurs though, i. e. governments should avoid that resources made available through government stimulation programmes are absorbed by necessity entrepreneurs with low human capital levels. 4. 5. 2  Industrial/cluster policy The focus of this chapter has been on the country-level, which disregards the sub-national level of analysis, and what is of particular relevance here, the level of regional clusters (regional concentrations of particular industries). These regional clusters have proved to be important drivers of economic development in, for example, Taiwan, India, and Brazil.These clusters are both driven by and drive growth-oriented entrepreneurship. Growth-oriented entrepreneurs that start to invest in a particular industry are needed in order to reach a critical mass that is needed to reach certain agglomeration economies (Braunerhjelm and Feldman  2006). If the build- up of capacity to this level of critical mass is not reached due to the lack of complementary investments, there might be a role to play for governments to overcome coordination failure, for example by providing investment guarantees for entrepreneurs (see Rodrik  2007).Such industrial policy is not about ‘picking winners’ or comprehensive planning, but encouraging experiments with new types of economic activity (Rodrik2007). Since it is impossible to judge winners and losers in advance, competent and growth-oriented entrepreneurs should be encouraged to try, success should be rewarded, and failure should not be coddled (Nelson and Pack  1999). These clusters do not have to be close to the technology frontier (as in advanced capitalist economies). The real policy implications arise from thinking carefully about the particular sources of advantage for a nascent cluster  (p. 2 )  and why that source might yield short-term complements with the potential to become l ong-term substitutes (Bresnahan, Gambardella, and Saxenian  2001). Cooperation of clusters in developing countries with existing richer economies is not ‘colonialist’. Take for example the linkages with the US. India and Taiwan are linked to the US (especially Silicon Valley) via outsourcing of software services and manufacturing (due to low labour costs), but also by a returning group of expatriates who have worked there, and who see the benefits of long distance collaboration (Saxenian  1999).There is a flow of people—the so-called Argonauts (Saxenian  2006)—and ideas back and forth between rich and emerging economies. Migrant workers tend to be among the most entrepreneurial in society. Governments of developing countries should not only look at these expatriate workers as a source of remittances. Given their entrepreneurialism, skills, and exposure to business in the developed world, as well as the desire of many of them to return home, they may be very important as a source of self-discovery in their country of origin (Rodrik  2007).In addition to developing the private sector, these return migrants may provide the new elite needed for building up a civil society. Only a fraction of the money spent on attracting FDI would be needed to target nationals abroad. This would attract more knowledgeable human capital and durable investments than most FDI will do. Once critical mass is reached within a regional cluster, it is likely to generate or attract growth-oriented entrepreneurs (e. g. Argonauts), who in turn stimulate further macroeconomic growth. 4. 5. 3  Limitations and further researchThe regression analyses in this chapter are of limited value: they have not only simplified the range6and (linear) effects of determinants for economic development, they have also dumbed down economic development to economic growth over a short-term (four-year) period. We know that sustaining growth is more difficult (and caused by diff erent factors) than igniting it (Rodrik  2007). This also connects to one of the other shortcomings: sustaining growth probably requires much more extensive institutional reform than can be properly taken into account in linear regression analyses.Next to better measures of institutions, future research should take into account samples with low-income countries and a larger number of medium-income and transition countries, and multiple years in order to achieve more robust empirical analyses. In addition, our data did not allow for testing the multiplicative effect of entrepreneurship, so we only analysed the additive effect. A larger number of cases would enable the inclusion of the more traditional indicators of capital and labour in the analyses, and allow for testing the multiplicative effect.

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